The Shifting Public Image of Mormonism (Part I)
(with Lynita K. Newswander and Chad B. Newswander)
In recent years, Mormonism has been the focus of unprecedented media interest. What some have called “The Mormon Moment,” spurred by Mitt Romney’s 2012 presidential campaign and an increased public relations effort by the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints (LDS) has resulted in significant screen-time for the religion. This attention comes both from inside and outside of the LDS Church, and spans the gamut of today’s media outlets: reality shows and scripted television series, radio, movies, books, and even Broadway—not to mention blogs, news articles, and network newsmagazines. The coverage is certainly widespread, and as a result, the American people are shaping a collective image of what Mormonism is and what its influence on their lives should be.
A generation ago, Donny and Marie Osmond were the poster children of traditional values. Complete with matching bell-bottoms and big hair, they were part of a real-life Brady Bunch family and exhibited much of what was synonymous with Mormonism at the time: clean living, big families, the Mountain West, and the white upper-middle class. In 2012, by contrast, popular attention for the faith comes from a variety of often conflicting images. As more and more Mormons represent themselves in reality television and other media, the consumer public is introduced to a multi-dimensional view of the faith which includes members from various backgrounds, cultures, and ethnicities, with a wide range of interests. While many of these images go beyond the strict standard of traditional LDS values, the Church has embraced the new aggregate image of itself as a worldwide faith whose people and message are suddenly new and relevant. In an effort to regain control of the image of “Mormons,” they have launched a vast public relations campaign which capitalizes on current trends in popular culture to reintroduce the public to the once obscure religion.
It isn’t that Mormons have not received media attention before. They have historically held a precarious position in the American mind. Although their traditional families and conservative culture reflect mainstream values, they are often portrayed as outsiders, anomalies in the melting-pot. For much of the twentieth century, Mormonism was a boutique religion isolated in the Rocky Mountains and largely unfamiliar to the broader population. Headquartered in Salt Lake City, the culture seemed miles away from the rest of society. This is evident in early depictions of Mormons in the media as strange or peculiar, often innocent and naïve of the cultural values of the “real” world. However, the vision of Mormons in popular culture today has started to distance itself from the stagnant, homogenous image of a very particular and peculiar people to one that is more diverse, ready to accept a variety of styles and systems of belief, and decidedly contemporary. Over the last several decades, the portrayal of Mormons in popular media has mirrored the broader shifting tides of American culture: as widespread values have become more pluralistic, more accepting of breaks from tradition, and more rewarding of well-crafted public personas, the image of Mormons has also changed.
Traditional Depictions of an American Faith
There was a time when the simple, one-dimensional depiction of Mormons as honest, family-oriented, white, and wholesome was happily embraced by consumers of American media. Even though this depiction of LDS culture overlooked the nuances and deep-traditions of this particular faith,[1] [2] the image sold records and led to successful business careers. For some, the vision of Mormons as innocent is still able to capture the American imagination and media attention. For others, however, that same image seems stagnant, staunch, and is associated with classism, sexism, and racism. As popular culture moves forward, those who cling to the standards and values of yesteryear are tied to a history fraught with both positive and negative images. And while the viewing public has largely been accepting of such associations in music, television, and even the promotion of business principles, they are not quite as welcoming of them in politics. Mormons are entertaining, it seems, as long as they do not get too close to reality.
In the beginning, there were the Osmonds . . .
The popular personification of these 20th century Mormon values began with four brothers, aged 9, 7, 5, and 3, who started singing as a barbershop quartet in their hometown of Ogden, Utah in order to raise funds for their deaf older brothers to serve missions for the LDS Church. This was the humble beginning of The Osmond Brothers (later simply The Osmonds)—Merrill, Jay, Donny, Alan, and Wayne—a group of clean-cut Mormon boys who made a name for themselves in pop music in the early 1970s with hits like “One Bad Apple” (Billboard’s #1 for 1971). The musical Osmond family found longevity in their success in part by tapping into the public’s collective yearning to maintain traditional family values. As the children grew, their sound changed, as did their ambition. In 1976, the family put most of its efforts into two of the youngest family members—Donny and Marie—who launched their own variety show. At the time, the two were teenagers (18 and 16, respectively), but had over a decade of experience in the family business of music and entertainment. Together, they were quite a pair. She was “a little bit country”, he a “little bit rock and roll” and the combination was precisely what America was looking for: young, beautiful, and successful, with strong family values and a sense of civility that is difficult to come by. In fact, their public image was so impeccable that after the show was cancelled, Donny felt that he was at a disadvantage in his adult solo career because he was perceived by the public as “unhip” and as a “boy scout.”[3] One professional publicist even suggested that he should purposefully get arrested for drug possession in order to change it.[4]
What was it about the Osmonds that made them a particular “moment” in American popular culture? First, although entertainment generally and music specifically were pushing new limits of tradition and public decency, the Osmond family fit into a definite, persistent niche of simple American values that many wanted to hold on to. They fit along seamlessly with other big, happy families such as The Brady Bunch (1969-1974) and The Waltons (1971-1981). The difference was that in the Osmonds America had a real-life manifestation of the (perhaps already fading) dream that a family could find success on a large scale while maintaining their love for one another and dedication to their personal values.
Their position was always a precarious one, however, because while the values they upheld remained the same—like good Mormons, they did not smoke or drink, they respected their parents and saved themselves for marriage—those of the crowds they relied on to sell their records were changing. This is the same period that also celebrated a whole other side of music notoriety, including the works of Led Zeppelin, KISS, The Rolling Stones, and Pink Floyd, and with them, newly popularized adult themes, lewd behavior, and an altogether new standard for the musical genre. Perhaps, however, this very tension was the key to the period of the Osmonds’ success: in times of swiftly changing societal standards, their image was a happy reminder of a simpler time when a teenager’s worst troubles were about hair and bellbottoms.
As the tides of culture push away from these so-called outmoded values, it only reinforces the unique characteristics that many members of the LDS Church tend to reflect. This unique set of characteristic has led some to identify Mormons through certain subconscious markers. The “detection of Mormons” or “Modar” has led to statistically significant research that members of the LDS can not only identify their own, but also that non-members can accurately predict who is a Mormon. According to researchers, Nicholas Rule, James Garrett, and Nalini Ambady, “Mormon participants could therefore distinguish who was Mormon and who was not Mormon significantly better than could non-Mormon participants, although the non-Mormon participants still categorized Mormons and non-Mormons significantly better than chance guessing” (2010, p. 352). The identification was achieved by taking a quick look at headshots. Furthermore, priming participants in an unobtrusive way only increased member and non-member’s ability to predict accurately.
It doesn’t always take detective work to spot members of the LDS church in the media. For example, David Archuletta, Brooke White, and Carmen Rasmussen drew a large fan base from their time on American Idol, thanks in part to their straight-laced sensibility coupled with an image of innocence. Archuletta was said to have a “guileless grin” with the “eyes of Bambi.”[5] Although White was cast as a “wide-eyed nanny,”[6] she was more optimistically characterized by her sense of “vulnerability.”[7] Rasmussen was said to be naïve and have a squeaky-clean image.[8] Even though these characteristics were occasionally cast in a negative light, they were also sources of the singers’ popularity. Each of these would-be Idols was able to tap into the public’s fascination with a value system that was considered out-of-step with the times, but was nonetheless appealing.
Jimmer Fredette, BYU basketball player, is another member of the LDS church who captured the national spotlight in recent years. NBA superstar Kevin Durant called him the “best scorer in the world” on Twitter. The phenomenon known as Jimmermania hit its zenith in 2011 as his team reached the Sweet 16 in the NCAA Tournament and he became the National Player of the Year. Although his talent pushed him on the national stage, as it had with Archuletta and others, it was his humility that separated Jimmer from his peers in the sports world. Instead of focusing on how to highlight his own achievements through high-profile antics, he praised his teammates and allowed his performance to speak for itself. His soft-spokeness and kind demeanor informed by a strong family narrative, including stories of his time spent with his brother, reflected a particular LDS identity.
Business, politics, and the white-collar image
The stereotype of good-old-fashioned Mormon values has been popular in American business, as well. The rigors of church membership (the LDS church is run and administered by lay members, rather than specially trained and paid clergy, so each member shares a load of the responsibility) help prepare Mormons for working in a bureaucracy and adapting to business life. The rational-legal ideals of hierarchy, rules, specialization, and division of labor have been part of the structure and practice of the faith from the early 20th century.[9] [10] This fit is also reinforced by Mormons’ religious values, particularly the standard of clean living, integrity, and hard work. For example, Howard Hughes, notorious billionaire and embodiment of so much of the excess Las Vegas came to exemplify, preferred to surround himself with Mormons.[11] He liked that they didn’t drink or smoke, and needed to be surrounded by an inner circle whose advice he could trust. And Hughes was not the only one to capitalize on the benefits that clean living and a strong work ethic bring to the boardroom. Notable political scientist James Q. Wilson noted that “there are business executives who prefer Mormons as employees because they believe that Mormons are more honest.”[12] The representation of Mormons as leaders in business and on Wall Street led Businessweek magazine to refer to a Mormon mission (the two years Mormon men are required to serve proselyting, often in a foreign country) as “God’s MBA.” [13]
Perhaps the figure who best represented traditional LDS beliefs in business was Stephen R. Covey. He was able to connect together LDS values and American values by translating his religious ethic into a system of tools for effective leadership. Most notably, his Seven Habits of Highly Effective People has sold over 15 million copies worldwide. Covey readily admits that Mormonism is central to his seemingly secular work. Years before Seven Habits hit the shelves, he wrote Divine Center, a religious book for an LDS audience. Here he encouraged others of his faith to “testify of gospel principles” using vocabularies that would resonate with the “experience and frame of mind” of non-Mormons.[14] In this manner, Covey’s Mormonism was translated into business terms and readily accepted by an eager public.
He was able to do this by presenting a softer version of capitalism that rested on balance, not excess. Rejecting the strains of casino and predatory capitalism that were the rage of the 1980s economic boom, Covey called for business leaders to be less competitive and more harmonious. According to him, competitive and aggressive business cultures not only eroded character, but created climates that made employees estranged from each other and their beliefs. His call for win/win, being proactive, synergy, and balance created an indelible mark in the business community. Purpose informed by habits provided the means to achieve a meaningful life. Profits were partially a by-product of achieving a balanced life. Covey was able to mix together church and business in a way that was seamless and attractive.
This is the formula that helped launch Mitt Romney’s business success. He was well educated, successful in his business pursuits, an accomplished public servant, and a devoted spouse and family man. Like Donny and Marie, champions of American popular culture for an earlier generation, Romney was a clean-living, tradition-saving, Book of Mormon-toting representation of his faith. Unfortunately for him, the circumstance surrounding his media attention was different, and voting Americans indicated that while certain attributes may be entertaining in one arena, they are not necessarily desirable in others. Also working against Romney were the changing tides of popular culture, which portrayed 20th century Mormon values as backward and regressive in an increasingly progressive society.
In 2012, his attempt to define himself as primarily a business leader worked; Romney was the first Mormon to be a presidential nominee for one of the major parties. Building Bain Capital and saving the 2002 Salt Lake Winter Olympics had given him credibility. In particular, the rescue of the Winter Olympics gave him the aura of using his managerial expertise for the common good. In one way, Romney represented the ideals of Covey’s multi-faceted business leader operating on the principles of character. As a result, these managerial skills informed by a service orientation made him an attractive candidate to help solve the country’s economic downturn.
Still, Romney’s own image fell short of “vibrant” and “diverse” and this contributed to his eventual political defeat. By focusing on how his business expertise and experience qualified him to be the next president, he reinforced the stereotype of a staunch, white-collar fiscal conservative, looking backward at a tradition that may have facilitated the Great Recession that emerged in the fall of 2008. This led to a series of problems that started in the Republican primary and hit full stride during the presidential campaign. His opponents were able to characterize him not only as aloof and distant from the people, but also as a representative of the Wall-Street breed who were vulture capitalists. The accusation of taking advantage of people by either destroying small towns through firing people or outsourcing their jobs was an image that was tough to shake.
Romney did not help his own representation with a series of his own gaffes. Most notably, he was caught on video explaining his belief that there were “47% of the people…who believe that they are victims, who believe the government has a responsibility to care for them, who believe that they are entitled to health care, to food, to housing, to you-name-it.”[15] This message confirmed the predatory capitalist representation, and Romney was unable to adequately counter this sentiment. His public image struggled to avoid the classification of being one-dimensional, old-fashioned, and un-hip. In this instance, the clean-cut image of Donny and Marie was a negative, rather than a positive marker in a culture that was already open to accepting a new, more dynamic vision of Mormonism.
[1] Terryl Givens, People of Paradox (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007).
[2] Harold Bloom, The American Religion (New York: Chu Hartley Press, 2006).
[3] Steve Burgess, “Donny Osmond: We Suffer for His Art,” Salon.com, September 21, 1999, http://www.salon.com/people/feature/1999/09/21/osmond/index.html.
[4] “Donny Osmond,” BBC News, December 6, 2004, http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/programmes/hardtalk/4054629.stm. In the interview, Michael Jackson suggests to Donny Osmond that he change his name because it is considered too wholesome.
[5] Michael Slezak, “Nine Guys Finish Last,” Entertainment Weekly, February 27, 2008, http://www.ew.com/ew/article/0,,20180597,00.html
[6] Michael Slezak, “American Idol: Never Mind the Bollix,” Entertainment Weekly, May 1, 2008, http://www.ew.com/ew/article/0,,20196803,00.html
[7] Carisa Silvesan, “Brook White’s Performance on American Idol,” Yahoo Voice, May 1, 2008, http://voices.yahoo.com/brooke-whites-performance-american-idol-4-29-2008-1424881.html?cat=33
[8] Rasmussen later appeared on Fear Factor and wrote a book, Staying in Tune, which details the choices she’s made to keep her time in the media spotlight consistent with her religious and personal values.
[9] Matthew Bowman, The Mormon People: The Making of an American Faith (New York: Random House, 2012).
[10] D. Michael Quinn, The Mormon Hierarchy: Origins of Power (Salt Lake City: Signature Books, 1984).
[11] “The Keepers of the King” TIME, December 13, 1976, http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,918528,00.html.
[12] James Q. Wilson, The Moral Sense (New York: Free Press, 1993), p. 102.
[13] Caroline Winter, “God’s MBAs: Why Mormon Missions Produce Leaders,” Businessweek, June 9, 2011, http://www.businessweek.com/magazine/content/11_25/b4233058977933.htm.
[14] Stephen R. Covey, The Divine Center (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 2005), 240.
[15] Gregory Korte, “Romney: Obama voters ‘believe they are victims,’” USA Today, September 17, 2012, http://usatoday30.usatoday.com/news/politics/story/2012/09/17/romneys-47-remark/57797246/1
This was originally published in The Routledge Companion to Religion and Popular Culture.